China Beyond the Heartland|My essay solution

Posted: February 25th, 2023

 Prompt: What are some issues mentioned in chapter 6? What are the standing points? Choose an issue, support a side and explain why.

Write a 300-word response using at least 2 references in your writing in an APA Formatting.

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The chapter is down below.

6 China Beyond the Heartland

Lynn T. White ll and Robert E. Gamer

As Stan Toops illustrated in Chapter 2, China is Zhongguo, a two-character phrase meaning “middle kingdom” or “central state.” Ear- licr chapters have explored China’s geography, history, politics, and econ- omy, and now we will look at noncentral edges of the country: overseas Chinese, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Tibet. These domains are all linked to Zhongguo but are not ordinary parts of it, even though they figure promi- nently in national policies for defense, foreign relations, growth, tolerance, and culture. The bonds that connect overseas Chinese with each other and with

China have usually been informal, but sometimes legal. Confucian imperial bureaucrats deemed overseas emigrants unfilial; sometimes the state made Icaving China a criminal act. Anthropologists write that these “edge dwellers” include “drinking buddies as well as chambers of commerce, or

Crested ghost worshippers as well as organized religiouscharities… SsOciations have survived the buffeting ofmodernity in both its

alist and capitalist forms [often revealingl the role of women insuc Suc ics,

OvC all the way these organizations can lay the groundwork 1or

Shaku DOltical change” (Weller, 2001:135-136; see also Wang and

).Relations of trust or conflict, not just formal legalities,



at the heart of this chapter.

of its state. Its meritocracy, rather than democracy, evolves from

rcople’s Republic ofChina is avidly legalistic about the sovereignle

iprial beliet that legitimate rule depends on loyalty to auynus ademicevo uCrals who are credentialed because

they passed toughac

rectore minations. The Marxist doctrine that any state is the board or a

IOT’S of its ruling class meshes with this old Chinese legacy. The Chinese


180 Lynn T. White ll and RobertE. Gamer

Communist Party is not legitimized by popular votes, but by tha aTv merit of having led China’s political and economic strengthening

China Beyond the Heartland 181

cCP implicitly claims to be “China.” It also creates synergies he-volufion In eachperipheral Chinese area, the mainland’s Leninist

small minority like itselt, on which it might depend to be imilarly

eause the mainland’s “foreign'” direct investment comes mostly from ethnic

ese abroad. How did overseas Chinese become so wealthy? How doseeks a hine

they figure in China’s affairs?

rial in extending PRC sovereignty. In Hong Kong, a city whosclato. essentialmerit the CCP officially defines as economic rather than political. tha

ignated leaders are a “chief executive” chosen by tycoons (althouehin future Beijing may shift to depend on leaders of a more proletarian

Iist party called the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hono(DAB) (So, 1999:118). In Taiwan, the CCP’s potential ally has usually been the rather China-oriented Nationalist Party or Kuomintang, and Beijing re.gards the autonomist Democratic Progressive Party now in power as uselessfor its purpose of sovereign ultimate control (while it also disregards continuing hatred of communism within the KMT, and it seeks allies amongTaiwanese “Taishang” entrepreneurs who invest on the mainland; Mengin,2016). In Tibet, China in the 1950s depended on monks of the Gelukpa sectunder the Dalai Lama until he fled to India in 1959; since then the Chinesearmy has fostered a Tibetan elite that strains to counterbalance the continu-ing popular legitimacy of the Dalai (and thus ironically depends onordinary Tibetans’ continued deep reverence for the exiled “living Buddha”). Inthese cases, the importance of the proxy to the CCP paradoxically dependson anti-CCP popular sentiments. Among overseas Chinese, in countrieswhere China is not sovereign, this paradigm is less applicable, but tnerstill tries to use it wherever possible, especially in Southeast Asia whereChinese economic elites are strong. The PRC encourages richoverseasnese to help their ancestral homeland. Premodern Chinesestatesalsouzed, ontheedges of the main domain, local proxy “lords ornusE), who collaborated gradually to expand the empire (Faure and Ho,2013).

Overseas Chinese Eor thousands of years, South Chinese merchants from Fujian and Guang. dong have been trading in Korea and Japan, Vietnam, Cambodia,


Thailand), Malaya (mainland Malaysia), and Java (the most populous is- land of Indonesia, see Map 2.1). Traditionally, these emigrants received no official permission to leave the fatherland, and sometimes they were prose-

cuted for doing so-or even for living too near China’s southern coast, which pirates often controlled. Their overseas commercial families pros- pered during the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming, Qing, and Republican periods (see Table 3.1). Most emigrated for work or business. Some settled in over- seas societies, often as the richest members. They came not from all parts of China, but from specific counties in south Fujian, north Fujian, or Guangdong. The main spoken languages of these three south coast areas are mutually incomprehensible with each other and with Mandarin, the tongue of the north China capital that is official, central, and now widely taught in schools both in China and overseas.



Southern traders had early leaders who were often rebels to the Chi- nese state. One of them (called Koxinga) is famous for having taken Taiwan from Dutch imperialists in 1661, supposedly liberating it for China; even though Koxinga was seen as an outlaw by the then current dynasty, his notner was Japanese, and he kept Taiwan independent of Qing China. An- other of these south Fujian subtropical vikings (Limahong) almost took Manila from Spain a century earlier. These were pirate kingS. South ni- eSe such as they ran trading networks all along the coast of East Asia from Java to Japan, but they were not homogenous or controlled by

anystac They fought and traded for themselves.

ayalready know that Hong Kong reverted to China in 1997,uare engaged in diplomatic and military competinowell as economic cooperation, and that many Tibetans resostraints on their religion. The outcomes of these issueS-ariect the central kingdom’s future. We look at thehistoria cacn area and then examine its present and future trends

Duropeans, arriving in the sixteenth century, had settled at Macau,

T a local Chinese official allowed Portuguese to stay because their can

uoons pea tig


This chapter explores the non-central regions of China, including overseas Chinese, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Tibet. Overseas Chinese are individuals of Chinese descent who live outside of China and have informal or legal connections to the country. They are often linked through associations and organizations that have survived the modern era, revealing the role of women in such groups. Overseas Chinese have been trading with neighboring countries for thousands of years and have prospered during various Chinese periods. They mainly emigrated for work or business and have settled in overseas societies, often as the richest members. Hong Kong is a city whose essential merit the CCP officially defines as economic rather than political, and it currently has designated leaders chosen by tycoons. Taiwan has been China’s potential ally, and the CCP seeks allies among Taiwanese entrepreneurs who invest on the mainland. Tibet was once dependent on monks of the Gelukpa sect under the Dalai Lama until he fled to India in 1959, and since then, the Chinese army has fostered a Tibetan elite that strains to counterbalance the continuing popular legitimacy of the Dalai.

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